2.1 Nelson Mandela : Long Walk to Freedom
TENTH May dawned bright and clear. For the past few days I had been pleasantly besieged by dignitaries and world leaders who were coming to pay their respects before the inauguration. The inauguration would be the largest gathering ever of international leaders on South African soil.
The ceremonies took place in the lovely sandstone amphitheatre formed by the Union Buildings in Pretoria. For decades this had been the seat of white supremacy, and now it was the site of a rainbow gathering of different colours and nations for the installation of South Africa’s first democratic, non-racial government.
On that lovely autumn day I was accompanied by my daughter Zenani. On the podium, Mr de Klerk was first sworn in as second deputy president. Then Thabo Mbeki was sworn in as first deputy president. When it was my turn, I pledged to obey and uphold the Constitution and to devote myself to the well- being of the Republic and its people. To the assembled guests and the watching world, I said:
Today, all of us do, by our presence here... confer glory and hope to newborn liberty. Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.
We, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil. We thank all of our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity.
We have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. We pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.
Never, never, and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.
The sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement.
Let freedom reign. God bless Africa!
A few moments later we all lifted our eyes in awe as a spectacular array of South African jets, helicopters and troop carriers roared in perfect formation over the Union Buildings. It was not only a display of pinpoint precision and military force, but a demonstration of the military’s loyalty to democracy, to a new government that had been freely and fairly elected. Only moments before, the highest generals of the South African defence force and police, their chests bedecked with ribbons and medals from days gone by, saluted me and pledged their loyalty. I was not unmindful of the fact that not so many years before they would not have saluted but arrested me. Finally a chevron of Impala jets left a smoke trail of the black, red, green, blue and gold of the new South African flag.
The day was symbolised for me by the playing of our two national anthems, and the vision of whites singing ‘Nkosi Sikelel –iAfrika’ and blacks singing ‘Die Stem’, the old anthem of the Republic. Although that day neither group knew the lyrics of the anthem they once despised, they would soon know the words by heart.
On the day of the inauguration, I was overwhelmed with a sense of history. In the first decade of the twentieth century, a few years after the bitter Anglo-Boer war and before my own birth, the white-skinned peoples of South Africa patched up their differences and erected a system of racial domination against the dark-skinned peoples of their own land. The structure they created formed the basis of one of the harshest, most inhumane, societies the world has ever known. Now, in the last decade of the twentieth century, and my own eighth decade as a man, that system had been overturned forever and replaced by one that recognised the rights and freedoms of all peoples, regardless of the colour of their skin.
That day had come about through the unimaginable sacrifices of thousands of my people, people whose suffering and courage can never be counted or repaid. I felt that day, as I have on so many other days, that I was simply the sum of all those African patriots who had gone before me. That long and noble line ended and now began again with me. I was pained that I was not able to thank them and that they were not able to see what their sacrifices had wrought.
The policy of apartheid created a deep and lasting wound in my country and my people. All of us will spend many years, if not generations, recovering from that profound hurt. But the decades of oppression and brutality had another, unintended, effect, and that was that it produced the Oliver Tambos, the Walter Sisulus, the Chief Luthulis, the Yusuf Dadoos, the Bram Fischers, the Robert Sobukwes of our time* — men of such extraordinary courage, wisdom and generosity that their like may never be known again. Perhaps it requires such depths of oppression to create such heights of character. My country is rich in the minerals and gems that lie beneath its soil, but I have always known that its greatest wealth is its people, finer and truer than the purest diamonds.
It is from these comrades in the struggle that I learned the meaning of courage. Time and again, I have seen men and women risk and give their lives for an idea. I have seen men stand up to attacks and torture without breaking, showing a strength and resilience that defies the imagination. I learned that courage was not the absence of fear, but the triumph over it. The brave man is not he who does not feel afraid, but he who conquers that fear.
No one is born hating another person because of the colour of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite. Even in the grimmest times in prison, when my comrades and I were pushed to our limits, I would see a glimmer of humanity in one of the guards, perhaps just for a second, but it was enough to reassure me and keep me going. Man’s goodness is a flame that can be hidden but never extinguished.
In life, every man has twin obligations — obligations to his family, to his parents, to his wife and children; and he has an obligation to his people, his community, his country. In a civil and humane society, each man is able to fulfil those obligations according to his own inclinations and abilities. But in a country like South Africa, it was almost impossible for a man of my birth and colour to fulfil both of those obligations. In South Africa, a man of colour who attempted to live as a human being was punished and isolated. In South Africa, a man who tried to fulfil his duty to his people was inevitably ripped from his family and his home and was forced to live a life apart, a twilight existence of secrecy and rebellion. I did not in the beginning choose to place my people above my family, but in attempting to serve my people, I found that I was prevented from fulfilling my obligations as a son, a brother, a father and a husband.
I was not born with a hunger to be free. I was born free — free in every way that I could know. Free to run in the fields near my mother’s hut, free to swim in the clear stream that ran through my village, free to roast mealies under the stars and ride the broad backs of slow-moving bulls. As long as I obeyed my father and abided by the customs of my tribe, I was not troubled by the laws of man or God.
It was only when I began to learn that my boyhood freedom was an illusion, when I discovered as a young man that my freedom had already been taken from me, that I began to hunger for it. At first, as a student, I wanted freedom only for myself, the transitory freedoms of being able to stay out at night, read what I pleased and go where I chose. Later, as a young man in Johannesburg, I yearned for the basic and honourable freedoms of achieving my potential, of earning my keep, of marrying and having a family — the freedom not to be obstructed in a lawful life.
But then I slowly saw that not only was I not free, but my brothers and sisters were not free. I saw that it was not just my freedom that was curtailed, but the freedom of everyone who looked like I did. That is when I joined the African National Congress, and that is when the hunger for my own freedom became the greater hunger for the freedom of my people. It was this desire for the freedom of my people to live their lives with dignity and self- respect that animated my life, that transformed a frightened young man into a bold one, that drove a law-abiding attorney to become a criminal, that turned a family-loving husband into a man without a home, that forced a life-loving man to live like a monk. I am no more virtuous or self-sacrificing than the next man, but I found that I could not even enjoy the poor and limited freedoms I was allowed when I knew my people were not free. Freedom is indivisible; the chains on anyone of my people were the chains on all of them, the chains on all of my people were the chains on me.
I knew that the oppressor must be liberated just as surely as the oppressed. A man who takes away another man’s freedom is a prisoner of hatred; he is locked behind the bars of prejudice and narrow- mindedness. I am not truly free if I am taking away someone else’s freedom, just as surely as I am not free when my freedom is taken from me. The oppressed and the oppressor alike are robbed of their humanity.
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(to be) besieged by: to be surrounded closely by
amphitheatre: a building without a roof, with many rows of seats rising in steps (typical of ancient Greece and Rome)
confer: (a formal word) here, give
We, who were outlaws: because of its policy of apartheid, many countries had earlier broken off diplomatic relations with South Africa
emancipation: freedom from restriction
deprivation: state of not having one's rightful benefits
discrimination: being treated differently or unfavourably
spectacular array: an impressive display (colourful and attractive)
not unmindful of: conscious of; aware of
chevron: a pattern in the shape of a V
despised: had a very low opinion of
wrought: (old fashioned, formal word) done, achieved
profound: deep and strong
resilience: the ability to deal with any kind of hardship and recover from its effects
pushed to our limits: pushed to the last point in our ability to bear pain
inclinations: natural tendencies of behaviour
inevitably: unavoidably
illusion: something that appears to be real but is not
transitory: not permanent
curtailed: reduced
prejudice: a strong dislike without any good reason
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Oral Comprehension Check
1. Where did the ceremonies take place? Can you name any public buildings in India that are made of sandstone?
Answer: The ceremonies took place at the Union Buildings in Pretoria, South Africa. In India, public buildings made of sandstone include the Rashtrapati Bhavan and the Red Fort.
2. Can you say how 10 May is an ‘autumn day’ in South Africa?
Answer: South Africa is in the southern hemisphere, so the seasons are opposite to those in the northern hemisphere. May is autumn in South Africa.
3. At the beginning of his speech, Mandela mentions “an extraordinary human disaster”. What does he mean by this? What is the “glorious … human achievement” he speaks of at the end?
Answer: Mandela refers to the long period of racial discrimination and apartheid as the "extraordinary human disaster." The "glorious human achievement" is the end of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic, non-racial government in South Africa.
4. What does Mandela thank the international leaders for?
Answer: Mandela thanks the international leaders for coming to South Africa and sharing in the victory of justice, peace, and human dignity.
5. What ideals does he set out for the future of South Africa?
Answer: Mandela sets out ideals of liberating people from poverty, suffering, and discrimination. He envisions a society where everyone enjoys equal rights and freedom, regardless of their race or background.
Oral Comprehension Check
1. What do the military generals do? How has their attitude changed, and why?
Answer: The military generals salute Nelson Mandela and pledge their loyalty to the new democratic government. Their attitude has changed because, in the past, they would have arrested Mandela during apartheid. Now, they respect him as the president of a free and fair South Africa.
2. Why were two national anthems sung?
Answer: Two national anthems were sung to symbolize the unity of the country. Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika was sung by the black South Africans, and Die Stem , the old anthem, was sung by the white South Africans. This showed the coming together of both groups.
3. How does Mandela describe the systems of government in his country (i) in the first decade, and (ii) in the final decade, of the twentieth century?
Answer: (i) In the first decade of the 20th century, the government created a system of racial domination by white people over the black population.
(ii) In the final decade of the 20th century, this system was replaced by a democratic government that recognized the rights and freedoms of all people, regardless of skin color.
4. What does courage mean to Mandela?
Answer: Mandela believes that courage is not the absence of fear, but the ability to overcome it. A brave person is someone who feels fear but conquers it.
5. Which does he think is natural, to love or to hate?
Answer: Mandela thinks that love is more natural than hate. He believes people can be taught to hate, but love comes more naturally to the human heart.
Oral Comprehension Check
1. What “twin obligations” does Mandela mention?
Answer: Mandela mentions the twin obligations to his family (parents, wife, and children) and to his people, community, and country.
2. What did being free mean to Mandela as a boy, and as a student? How does he contrast these “transitory freedoms” with “the basic and honourable freedoms”?
Answer: As a boy, being free meant being able to run, play, swim, and enjoy life without restrictions. As a student, it meant being able to stay out late, read what he liked, and go where he wanted. He contrasts these "transitory freedoms" with "basic and honourable freedoms" like achieving his potential, earning a living, and having a family without being obstructed by unjust laws.
3. Does Mandela think the oppressor is free? Why/Why not?
Answer: No, Mandela does not think the oppressor is free. He believes that a person who takes away another’s freedom is trapped by hatred, prejudice, and narrow-mindedness, and is also robbed of their humanity.
Thinking about the text
1. Why did such a large number of international leaders attend the inauguration? What did it signify the triumph of?
Answer: A large number of international leaders attended the inauguration to celebrate the end of apartheid and the beginning of a democratic, non-racial government in South Africa. It signified the triumph of justice, peace, and human dignity over oppression and racial discrimination.
2. What does Mandela mean when he says he is “simply the sum of all those African patriots” who had gone before him?
Answer: Mandela means that his achievements and leadership are a result of the sacrifices, courage, and struggles of the many African patriots who fought for freedom before him. He sees himself as a continuation of their efforts, representing their legacy.
3. Would you agree that the “depths of oppression” create “heights of character”? How does Mandela illustrate this? Can you add your own examples to this argument?
Answer: Yes, I agree that "depths of oppression" can create "heights of character." Mandela illustrates this by mentioning the courage and wisdom of leaders like Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, and others who rose to greatness during the oppressive apartheid era. An example of this idea could be Martin Luther King Jr., whose leadership and moral strength grew during the fight against racial segregation in the U.S.
4. How did Mandela’s understanding of freedom change with age and experience?
Answer: As a young boy, Mandela saw freedom as personal and limited to simple pleasures like playing and running in the fields. As a student, freedom meant staying out late and doing what he wanted. With age and experience, Mandela realized that true freedom involved much more: the freedom to live with dignity, the right to equal opportunities, and the need for collective freedom for all people.
5. How did Mandela’s ‘hunger for freedom’ change his life?
Answer: Mandela’s hunger for freedom turned him from a law-abiding attorney into a freedom fighter. It led him to sacrifice his personal life, family, and comforts. His desire for his people’s freedom made him dedicate his life to the struggle against apartheid, leading to imprisonment and a long fight for justice.
Thinking about language
I. There are nouns in the text (formation, government) which are formed from the corresponding verbs (form, govern) by suffixing -(at)ion or ment. There may be a change in the spelling of some verb – noun pairs: such as rebel, rebellion; constitute, constitution.
1. Make a list of such pairs of nouns and verbs in the text.
Noun Verb
rebellion rebel
constitution constitute
Answer:
Noun |
Verb |
rebellion |
rebel |
constitution |
constitute |
formation |
form |
government |
govern |
inauguration |
inaugurate |
liberation |
liberate |
oppression |
oppress |
discrimination |
discriminate |
participation |
participate |
celebration |
celebrate |
domination |
dominate |
contribution |
contribute |
2. Read the paragraph below. Fill in the blanks with the noun forms of the verbs in brackets.
Martin Luther King’s ______________ (contribute) to our history as an outstanding leader began when he came to the ______________ (assist) of Rosa Parks, a seamstress who refused to give up her seat on a bus to a white passenger. In those days American Blacks were confined to positions of second class citizenship by restrictive laws and customs. To break these laws would mean ______________ (subjugate) and ______________ (humiliate) by the police and the legal system. Beatings, ______________ (imprison) and sometimes death awaited those who defied the System. Martin Luther King’s tactics of protest involved non-violent ______________ (resist) to racial injustice.
Answer:
Martin Luther King’s contribution to our history as an outstanding leader began when he came to the assistance of Rosa Parks, a seamstress who refused to give up her seat on a bus to a white passenger. In those days American Blacks were confined to positions of second-class citizenship by restrictive laws and customs. To break these laws would mean subjugation and humiliation by the police and the legal system. Beatings, imprisonment and sometimes death awaited those who defied the System. Martin Luther King’s tactics of protest involved non-violent resistance to racial injustice.
II. Using the Definite Article with Names You know that the definite article ‘the’ is not normally used before proper nouns. Nor do proper nouns usually occur in the plural. (We do not say: *The Nelson Mandela, or *Nelson Mandelas.) But now look at this sentence from the text:
… the decades of oppression and brutality … produced the Oliver Tambos, the Walter Sisulus, … of our time.
Used in this way with the and/or in the plural, a proper noun carries a special meaning. For example, what do you think the names above mean? Choose the right answer.
(a) for example Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu, …
(b) many other men like Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu …/many men of their type or kind, whose names may not be as well known.
Did you choose option (b)? Then you have the right answer!
Here are some more examples of ‘the’ used with proper names. Try to say what these sentences mean. (You may consult a dictionary if you wish. Look at the entry for ‘the’.)
1. Mr Singh regularly invites the Amitabh Bachchans and the Shah Rukh Khans to his parties.
2. Many people think that Madhuri Dixit is the Madhubala of our times.
3. History is not only the story of the Alexanders, the Napoleons and the Hitlers, but of ordinary people as well.
Answer:
1. Mr Singh regularly invites the Amitabh Bachchans and the Shah Rukh Khans to his parties.
This means Mr Singh invites famous actors like Amitabh Bachchan and Shah Rukh Khan to his parties, or people of their stature and fame in the film industry.
2. Many people think that Madhuri Dixit is the Madhubala of our times.
This means many people think that Madhuri Dixit is similar to Madhubala in terms of beauty, talent, or iconic status in today's era.
3. History is not only the story of the Alexanders, the Napoleons and the Hitlers, but of ordinary people as well.
This means history is not just about famous and powerful leaders like Alexander the Great, Napoleon, and Hitler, but also about ordinary people who have made contributions.
III. Idiomatic Expressions
Match the italicised phrases in Column A with the phrase nearest in meaning in Column B. (Hint: First look for the sentence in the text in which the phrase in Column A occurs.)
A |
B |
1. I was not unmindful of the fact |
(i) had not forgotten; was aware of the fact |
(ii) was not careful about the fact |
|
(iii) forgot or was not aware of the fact |
|
2. when my comrades and I were pushed to our limits |
(i) pushed by the guards to the wall |
(ii) took more than our share of beatings |
|
(iii) felt that we could not endure the suffering any longer |
|
3. to reassure me and keep me going |
(i) make me go on walking |
(ii) help me continue to live in hope in this very difficult situation |
|
(iii) make me remain without complaining |
|
4. the basic and honourable freedoms of…earning my keep,… |
(i) earning enough money to live on |
(ii) keeping what I earned |
|
(iii) getting a good salary |
Answer:
1. I was not unmindful of the fact
(i) had not forgotten; was aware of the fact
2. when my comrades and I were pushed to our limits
(iii) felt that we could not endure the suffering any longer
3. to reassure me and keep me going
(ii) help me continue to live in hope in this very difficult situation
4. the basic and honourable freedoms of…earning my keep,…
(i) earning enough money to live on
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